The huge crowds who took to the boulevards of Tunis to protest were affluent, sophisticated and Western-leaning, and talked not of jihad or Western oppression, but of democracy and human rights of the sort practised in Europe.
As it turned out, Tunis' latte-sipping, Facebook-surfing middle classes were not the only ones who saw Ben Ali's fall as a chance for change. So too did Islamist parties of various hues of radicalism, whose religious agenda has earned them strong support and sometimes near-block votes in Tunisia's more conservative rural interior.
The secularists and Islamists have both now enjoyed their share of power in Parliament. But while most of the time they rub along together peacefully, secular politicians have been assassinated and harassed. Radical parties have been subjected to periodic bans and crackdowns, but continue to pose a threat.
The Ansar al-Sharia group, whose Libyan namesake is accused of murdering US diplomat Chris Stevens in Benghazi, has been a constant challenge to Tunisian authorities.
Two years ago, it was banned outright during a crackdown on extremism after the killing of two leftist political leaders. But a Government still establishing its authority after years of dictatorship has struggled to stamp it out altogether, not least because of the country's porous border with Libya, where Isis (Islamic State) militants now have a hold.
Significantly, the nation of 11 million has already contributed more jihadist fighters to the conflict in Syria and Iraq than any other country.