There was an air of innocence at Jacinda Ardern's first Labour conference as leader a year ago that will not be present at this year's.
It's not that nothing had gone wrong in the party organisation or in Government, but the thrill of being there at all lent itself to a sense of patience and forgiveness.
Ardern quoted from a bunch of cute letters from kids and announced $200 million more on learning support.
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The various groups within the power base of the Labour Party including the Māori wing and the union affiliates did not have much to show for being in Government last year.
But it was less than halfway into its term - and the so-called year of delivery had yet to begin.
Now there is only about eight months to go until everything winds up for the election and as well as Māori and union bases within the party, young activists and feminists have been grumpy.
The party's poor handling of the Labour summer camp assaults last year had been a one-off from which lessons would be learned.
When it was clear this year that it was not a one-off but a failure of process at the highest levels of the party organisation, Ardern found the spine that had been missing last time and forced the president to resign.
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The relationship between the party leader and president is a crucial one, especially the relationship between a leader who is Prime Minister and a president, because the reputational stakes are much higher.
Helen Clark and Mike Williams had it sorted out perfectly.
Williams was followed in Opposition by Andrew Little, who was good while he lasted but headed to Parliament; Little was followed by Moira Coatsworth, who led the ruling New Zealand Council at a time when many on it decided David Cunliffe would make a better leader than David Shearer and contributed to instability; she was followed by Nigel Haworth, who believed people should just trust him to handle everything himself.
The departure of the highly regarded operative and general secretary Andrew Kirton midway through last year left the organisation's weaknesses exposed.
The election of the new president at the conference in Whanganui today is important to Ardern and while she has not named a preference, it is a safe bet she is keeping her fingers crossed for Claire Szabo.
Unlike Haworth, Szabo is someone in whom Ardern and the disgruntled youth and feminists could have complete confidence from day one.
Of all her qualifications for the job, her academic record is of least importance although mind-boggling in its variety (degrees in music from Auckland, education from Trinity College, Dublin, commerce and administration from Victoria and a masters in public administration from Harvard).
As a party activist and former candidate, a CEO in Habitat for Humanity and a young working mother, she would represent a modernisation of the party that Ardern would celebrate.
Tane Phillips, the senior vice-president, Māori, of the Labour Party and secretary of the pulp and paper workers' union in Kawerau is her main rival.
He may be rethinking one of his election platforms to set up a capital fund for the party – essentially what the National Foundation and the New Zealand First Foundation set out to be. But that is not likely to swing it either way.
He will no doubt take a loss on the chin but that won't be the end of it. It will exacerbate a growing frustration of Māori within the party of unmet expectations.
He represents an increasing demand in Labour for manifestations of partnership, be it in Budget wins, and positions within the party organisation, the caucus, list positions,
winnable seats and the cabinet.
The promotion by Ardern and Labour of the concept of "partnership" and an enhanced Treaty relationship without really defining it is promoting aspirations that neither she nor the wider party are willing to meet.
Holding up Te Tai Tokerau MP Kelvin Davis as the deputy Labour leader doesn't quite cut it. The deputy's role is largely carried out by Ardern's closest confidante, Grant Robertson.
The Māori caucus is now 13, seven of which are Māori electorate seats. They cannot claim that the numbers voting on the Māori roll were a deciding factor in the election outcome.
But getting rid of the Māori Party from Parliament was significant in denying National a potential ally.
If Māori in Labour are seen to be frustrated exercising real power in Government, that will be fuel to the fire of any revival by the Māori Party.
Perhaps the most patient and forgiving grouping within the Labour Party are the union affiliates and this weekend is likely to be no exception.
For a group that bankrolls the party and provides loyal foot soldiers at elections, it should perhaps be the most frustrated for the lack of progress in getting some form of Fair Pay Agreement embedded.
For a policy which is an important to Labour as the provincial growth fund is to New Zealand First, it has almost been consulted to death.
Having waited for the working party report headed by former National Prime Minister Jim Bolger, instead of putting the law-drafters to work, the policy has gone out to consultation again.
There are three culprits in the delay: New Zealand First's over-cautious response to a policy which is aimed at low-paid sectors; the power of the Ministry of Business, Innovation and Employment, which has developed into an empire to rival Treasury; and the Minister of Workplace Relations, Iain Lee-Galloway, who appears unable to stand up to his officials.
You won't hear the unions moaning about it publicly on the conference floor.
In the tightly choreographed conference programme there simply isn't any opportunity for any public grumbling.
But in the backrooms and side meetings, Ardern will be getting the strong message that the year of delivery has yet to be felt by some important elements of her party.