The most pertinent was that there were potential weaknesses in the way submissions to the minister were handled, especially where the applicant was supported by people who may have, or be seen to have, the ability to influence the minister's decision. "Advocacy of this kind, in particular where the advocate is a fellow-MP or known to the minister, clearly presents risks to the integrity of the decision-making system and to the reputation of those involved."
The Auditor-General recommended several steps to reduce this threat. The logical conclusion was not drawn, however. This would see the final say on such applications being taken from the minister and decided by an independent panel. MPs would remain free to advocate on behalf of constituents in citizenship cases. There would, however, be no chance for the minister to interfere inappropriately, and possibly against this country's best interests, in a decision taken by officials.
One of Donghua Liu's supporters tried to justify the granting of citizenship to him by suggesting the amount of time he spends in this country and his grasp of English were irrelevant in the modern world. "A lot of active, global businessmen are never in one place for any length of time ... People who have global businesses are good citizens," said business consultant Roy Mottram. If so, why did Mr Liu go to such lengths to gain citizenship?
Equally, other people who are not wealthy businessmen would surely have been denied citizenship because of their lack of English skills.
The official recommendation on granting citizenship was ignored in just 61 of the 1011 cases between 2009 and 2011. That suggests ministers usually act as they should by confining themselves to policy matters, leaving officials to deal with individual cases. But usually is not sufficient, especially when subsequent donations to political parties are part of the picture. The possibility for favouritism clearly exists. One case involving a Mr Liu was enough. Two confirm that changes must be made.