By NAOMI LARKIN
Fijians go to the polls tomorrow to restore democracy a little more than a year after a violent coup destroyed political stability.
Among their candidate choices are the former Prime Minister who was held hostage - and his captor.
Mahendra Chaudhry, Fiji's first ethnic Indian Prime Minister, is back on the hustings and predicting that the nation is again ready to accept another Indian leader - himself.
Chaudhry swept to a landslide win in 1999 but much troubled water has gushed under the bridge since then - not least of it last year's coup that toppled his Government.
Failed businessman George Speight and a team of rebels stormed Parliament and took Chaudhry and his ministers hostage for 56 days.
The crisis brought Fiji's economy close to collapse.
But in a bizarre twist, Speight is now standing for election from behind the bars of a prison cell and Chaudhry is being tipped to lead the country again.
Chaudhry says if his Indian-dominated Fiji Labour Party (FLP) wins, his Government would simply pick up from where it left off in May last year.
Although criticised for his abrasive personality and perceived arrogance, Chaudhry told the Herald that the FLP's track record of 12 months in Government was its strength.
"We dealt with the people-related issues, brought down the cost of living, gave relief to the poor by removing taxes and duties on foodstuffs and other household items which are in daily use.
"We put money into education, welfare and healthcare and made a remarkable turnaround for the Fiji economy.
"We inspired new confidence in Fiji and the country was doing pretty well."
Chaudhry rejects claims that his leadership style was autocratic and provocative to indigenous Fijians.
"There is no justification in that criticism - it is propaganda launched by my detractors.
"We have delivered and the support that we have on the ground now ... it's admitted by all that Fiji Labour Party will be the Government in force in Parliament." That speaks for itself, he says.
"There is nothing wrong with my style of leadership."
Certainly his support is strong and includes the Indian-dominated sugarcane belt in Fiji's west.
Ethnic Indians make up about 44 per cent of the 800,000 population and dominate business.
The Fiji Times newspaper predicts the FLP will win the election, saying the party has run "an intelligent and skilful campaign."
"While others have preached about ideals and aspirations, Labour has hammered away at the issues that most concern people: the price of food, employment, education, health and social welfare," the newspaper says.
"It worked in 1999 and there is every reason to believe it will work again in 2001."
But reconciling the racial differences that have fuelled three coups and a military mutiny in 13 years remains the biggest hurdle, not just for the FLP, but for all parties.
Laisenia Qarase, the interim Prime Minister installed by the Army after the coup, strongly believes it will take up to three decades for indigenous Fijians to accept an Indian Prime Minister.
"Fiji, in my assessment, is not ready for a non-Fijian leadership," he says.
"It may take 20 to 30 years to change the attitudes and perceptions of Fijians towards national leadership. I am not being racist ... I am just trying to be realistic."
Qarase, a banker until he became the caretaker Prime Minister, heads the indigenous Fijian United Party, or Soqosoqo Duavata ni Lewenivanua (SDL), which was launched in July last year.
He hopes to gain support through his roughly drafted "blueprint" released while Speight still held the country to ransom. The blueprint favours special treatment for Fijians over Indians.
Despite a court ruling that his Government was not legally appointed, Qarase has remained in power.
The interim Government indicated that it wanted to retain control of the country but international pressure forced it to agree to elections.
Qarase is liked by the business community, which believes he is best-placed to repair the country's battered economy, but he has done little to broaden his appeal among ethnic Indian voters.
This week he labelled Chaudhry a racist. Asked if he would work with him in the new Parliament, Qarase replied: "If I had a choice, I would prefer not to."
Political analysts in Fiji say Qarase will probably win his seat, but it is debatable whether his party, which represents most of the interim cabinet, can win a parliamentary majority.
The indigenous Fijian vote is likely to be divided by the wide range of parties.
One of these is the breakaway New Labour Unity Party launched by Chaudhry's former Deputy Prime Minister, Tupeni Baba. The move formalised a longtime split in Labour's ranks and is also likely to take votes away from the FLP.
Baba, an indigenous Fijian and academic, has based his policies on Tony Blair's Labour Party in Britain. With a modern, youth-centred campaign - the election slogan is "Let's get together" - he is aiming to woo middle Fiji.
With almost equal numbers of Indo-Fijian and indigenous candidates, Baba hopes to win enough seats to lead a coalition of moderate parties in office.
By linking with the Fijian Association Party (FAP) - led by Adi Kuini Bavadra Speed, the widow of Timoci Bavadra, the Labour Prime Minister ousted in the 1987 coup - and the Indian National Federation Party, Baba plans to form the largest bloc in the new House.
Adi Speed, a paramount chief and one of Chaudhry's two Deputy Prime Ministers, is widely respected as a champion of multi-racial democracy.
The FAP won 11 seats in the 1999 elections.
Although double-coup leader Sitiveni Rabuka is not standing in this election, the party he founded in 1990, Soqosoqo ni Vakavulewa ni Taukei (SVT), is prominent.
Led by veteran politician Filipe Bole, SVT is fiercely pro-Fijian. It wants to see a majority of seats in Fijian hands, with an indigenous Fijian chosen as the country's leader.
The party seeks a return to the first-past-the-post electoral system.
Its allegiance to the traditional role of the Bose Levu Vakaturaga, or Great Council of Chiefs, and to Christianity is a strong plank in Bole's bid to build party support in rural areas.
SVT's affirmative action policy includes restoring Section 21 of the 1990 Constitution for the "protection and enhancement of Fijian and Rotuman interests."
The party wants Fijian to be the country's other official language alongside English.
It maintains that Chaudhry had little or no support at the time of the coup.
"Even his Fijian Coalition partners were lukewarm to hostile - except those who were earning ministerial salaries," says party propaganda.
The party claims that a widespread Fijian popular uprising followed Speight's coup. This was spontaneous and a release of Fijian anger at Chaudhry's coalition and the 1997 Constitution.
"The burning and looting in the capital city is regrettable and unpleasant. Nevertheless, it is a manifestation of the Fijians' anger that was building up at the loss of political power as a consequence of the 1997 Constitution and the arrogance of Chaudhry and his disregard for deep Fijian concerns.
"Indigenous rights became the agenda of all Fijians after the coup of May 19."
Speight's party, the pro-Fijian Conservative Alliance Party includes several prominent rebel supporters.
This extremist nationalist party wants government decentralised and Fiji to become a Christian state.
All those involved in the coup are promised a blanket amnesty.
Despite being in prison charged with treason, Speight, under the name of Ilikini Naitini, and co-accused Timoci Silatolu are candidates for the party.
Speight's military mastermind and co-accused Ilisoni Ligairi is also standing but as an independent.
All three and 10 other rebels have been held in custody on Nukulau Island in Suva's harbour since their arrested last year.
No accurate opinion polling is carried out in Fiji, but political pundits are already predicting Speight will take his seat in the Tailevu province.
Many of the rebel supporters who set up camp in Parliament during the coup - and the food supplies - came from Tailevu.
Despite his expected success, Speight nearly failed to qualify. Three days after his coup was launched he was due to appear in court on currency charges and bankruptcy loomed.
Conviction would have rendered him ineligible to run for Parliament.
Should he win a seat, prison authorities have already said he will not be released to be sworn-in or to attend parliamentary sessions.
Once Parliament sits, an MP is expected to attend sessions and can be struck off for failure to do so.
The Army, which is predominantly indigenous Fijian and has been troubled by a mutiny by coup supporters, says it will respect the election result, maintain law and order and obey the President.
Under Fijian law, President Josefa Iloilo must appoint a Prime Minister who has the majority support of all elected MPs, not just those from the major parties.
The Commonwealth Observer Group - which includes New Zealand - will monitor voting and the public's acceptance of the results.
Group chairman Sir Henry Forde says he expects the elections will be credible and fair.
But on the streets there is concern that nationalists who backed Speight's coup could again plunge Fiji into violence if ethnic Indian parties dominate the poll.
This would undoubtedly end belief, both nationally and internationally, in Fiji's democratic process.
Whatever the outcome of the elections, the future for Fiji cannot be predicted.
Locals have a saying: "A coin has two sides - except in Fiji" and history has repeatedly shown just how apt it is.
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