So the outlook seemed grim for Rimsa Masih when she was arrested last month - but then the imam who had called the police, Hafiz Mohammad Khalid Chisti, was arrested for doctoring the evidence. His own deputy had seen him adding pages from the Koran to the young Christian's bag.
"I asked him what he was doing," the deputy told a television station, "and he said this is the evidence against them [the local Christians] and this is how we can get them out from this area." Two other witnesses came forward against Chisti, and Hafiz Mohammad Ashrafi, the chairman of the All Pakistan Ulema Council, a body of senior Muslim clerics, declared that "Our heads are bowed with shame for what Chisti did."
Ashrafi added that Chisti was acting on behalf of a group who wanted to drive out the Christian minority in the area: "I have known for the last three months that some people in this area wanted the Christian community to leave so they could build a madrasa [on their land]." They have already succeeded: about 300 Christian families have fled in fear for their lives, and they probably won't be back. But at least the state is starting to defy the fanatics.
Bail is not normally granted in blasphemy cases, but on September 8 Rimsa Masih was freed on bail, and a military helicopter lifted her out of the prison yard and into hiding. And Paul Bhatti, the Minister for National Harmony, whose brother and predecessor Shahbaz was murdered last year, broke a political taboo by explaining why ordinary Pakistanis are more hostile to the religious minorities in their midst than most Muslims elsewhere.
"It is not just a religious problem," Bhatti said. "It's a caste factor, because [the victims] belong to the poorest and most marginalised people. Unfortunately they are Christians, and this caste system creates lots of problems."
Islam teaches the equality of all believers, but the caste system is alive and kicking in Pakistan. Go far enough back, and almost all Pakistani Muslims are descended from Hindus - and when those Hindu communities converted to Islam, they retained their ideas and prejudices about caste.
This was particularly disheartening for groups at the bottom of the caste pecking order who had hoped that Islam would free them. When the British empire arrived in the area, therefore, it was the poorest and most despised section of the population who converted to Christianity.
So everybody knows that most Christians are really "untouchables." The argument that got Asia Bibi in trouble, for example, broke out when some of her Muslim fellow workers refused to drink the water she had fetched because Christians were "unclean".
The Hindu minority is mostly just as low-caste as the Christians, and equally vulnerable. Together they are only 6 million out of 187 million Pakistanis, but they account for the vast majority of blasphemy accusations. In many cases, these accusations are merely a convenient weapon for Muslims engaged in land disputes and other quarrels with members of the minority groups.
Maybe the Pakistani government has finally found the nerve to deal with this corrupt law and to protect its victims. The Rimsa Masih case is a hopeful sign. But Pakistan still has a long way to go before all of its citizens are really equal under the law.
Gwynne Dyer is an independent journalist whose articles are published in 45 countries.