UPDATED: A leading United States official in the Aukus programme had to abandon her speech in Wellington today after it was disrupted by pro-Palestinian and anti-Aukus protestors planted among the audience (see the speech below).
Bonnie Jenkins, the Under-Secretary of State for Arms Control and International Security, has been appointed by Secretary of State Antony Blinken as the senior official to lead the State Department’s work on Aukus implementation.
She was met by vocal protestors as she arrived at a lecture theatre behind the Old Government Buildings in Victoria University’s downtown campus. One of them played The Imperial March (Darth Vader’s theme) on the trumpet as she entered the building.
She was about to begin her speech titled “meeting 21st Century Security Challenges Together” to about 100 people when a member of the audience jumped up and asked members of the audience to bow their heads in a moment’s silence to “think about all the Palestinians who have died from US-funded weapons in the last few months”.
Most people obliged.
He then would not leave the front of the lecture theatre and began talking about genocide and international rights and said Jenkins was not welcome in New Zealand. Despite pleadings from the audience, he would not budge.
Jenkins was taken into an adjoining room by plain-clothes police officers until the protestEr was escorted out by security guards.
Jenkins re-emerged and had just begun her speech when another member of the audience stood up, said a few words in Māori, and said Jenkins was an embarrassment and “had no place in this country”. The protestor unfolded a Palestinian flag.
Jenkins was escorted out again and police officers entered the theatre and took away the protestor.
With Jenkins still absent, Mike Smith, veteran anti-nuclear activist and the former Labour Party general secretary, addressed the audience about a presentation Jenkins had given recently to the Atlantic Council about Aukus.
He said the person who had introduced her at the presentation had advocated that the United States be the first to use a nuclear weapon in any war with China over Taiwan. Smith then left but had to return when security would not let him out of the building.
While the audience continued to wait for Jenkins to return, a member of the International Socialist Organisation of Aotearoa commandeered the university equipment and put on an anti-Aukus video.
Eventually, it was announced the speech would not go ahead, at which point about a dozen protesters in the audience started changing in celebration: “From the river to the sea, Palestine will be free.”
Jenkins had been hosted at Victoria by the Centre for Strategic Studies.
Director Professor David Capie said the centre worked to foster public discussion and dialogue on foreign policy and national security issues.
“Everyone has the right to protest, but it’s a sad day when students and the public are denied an opportunity to listen to a speaker, to ask questions, and decide for themselves.”
Foreign Minister Winston Peters said he was extremely disappointed to hear of the disruption.
“It showed contempt for the rest of those attending wishing to hear from the Under Secretary and reflects poorly on New Zealand. People have a right to their views but expressing them in that way doesn’t lead to good outcomes.”
Jenkins met Defence Minister Judith Collins earlier in the week.
The main feature of the Aukus pact is a deal among the United States, Britain and Australia to supply Australia with nuclear-powered submarines. New Zealand has expressed interest in what is known as Pillar Two which is yet to be defined but is likely to involve advances in military technology.
The Herald has obtained a copy of the speech Jenkins had been planning to give, as follows:
“I am Bonnie Jenkins, the United States’ Under Secretary for Arms Control and International Security at the Department of State. Thank-you to the Centre for Strategic Studies for hosting this outreach event. I appreciate the opportunity to speak to all of you today to give you a broad overview of what the United States is doing as we face a rapidly changing international security landscape, and the tools we employ to ensure that the United States is leading from a position of innovation during this inflection point in history.
“We find ourselves at a time in which we are certainly challenged. Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine is about to begin its third year. The PRC continues to pressure Taiwan across the spectrum of diplomatic, informal, military, and economic measures. The Middle East is on a knife’s edge and Russian’s deepening co-operation with Iran and Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) is cause for concern.
“But we are addressing these challenges, to include working to advance the full scope of arms control and non-proliferation measures, in terms of weapons of mass destruction, conventional arms, and dual use technology, to strengthen deterrence and strategic stability. Despite challenges posed by strategic competitors, we are addressing how to reduce risks, avoid miscalculation, and close the gap of miscommunication.
“The Biden Administration has made clear our commitment to address the existential threat posed by nuclear weapons and to re-establish US credibility as a leader in arms control and avoid costly arms races. A strong non-proliferation regime is a key element in creating a security environment conducive to further progress on disarmament.
“We finally completed the destruction of US chemical weapons stockpile, ensuring that an entire category of declared weapons of mass destruction stockpiles has been eliminated.
“We are fully committed to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, including the disarmament provision in Article VI. The United States has been a leader on nuclear disarmament and has made enormous strides in reducing the size of our nuclear arsenal.
“Since the height of the Cold War, we have reduced 88 per cent of our nuclear arsenal from the Cold War peak of 31,255 active and inactive nuclear weapons. At the end of 1968 – the year we signed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty – that number was 29,561, and in 2020 it was 3750. In other words, more than seven out of every eight nuclear weapons the United States possessed when we negotiated the NPT have since been retired from the stockpile.
“In January 2022, all five NPT nuclear-weapon states came together to affirm that, ‘a nuclear war cannot be won, and must never be fought.’ This principle is even more important today. Though the path to disarmament has rarely been so challenging, we remain committed to that goal.
“At the same time, we are continuing our strong support to the international non-proliferation regime by strengthening nuclear safety, security and safeguards, especially as we assist nations in partnering in nuclear energy and peaceful nuclear co-operation; building capacity to mitigate proliferation threats; sanctioning actors engaged in concerning proliferation activities, enhancing interdiction measures; and protecting sensitive US technologies from exploitation.
“I want to give you some specific examples of some goals we’ve achieved via our non-proliferation efforts.
“One year ago, we launched the Political Declaration on Responsible Military Use of AI and Autonomy at the Summit on Responsible Military Use of AI in the Military Domain in the Hague. In less than one year, a diverse, cross-regional group of 52 nations, including New Zealand, have endorsed the Political Declaration, which offers a foundation for an international dialogue on what ‘responsible’ use of AI in the military domain really means.
“We are working with partner governments’ surface vessel and aviation assets to co-ordinate the Pacific Security Maritime Exchange – or PSMX – to disrupt UN-prohibited illicit DPRK-related oil transfers. We organised collective PSMX diplomatic actions to expel from a UN member state’s territorial waters multiple vessels involved in illicitly supplying oil to the DPRK. Our sustained diplomatic efforts have resulted in the continued expansion of PSMX membership, further strengthening PSMX’s operations capabilities and diplomatic reach.
“We are also providing expert training to assist maritime security and law enforcement officials of East Asia and Pacific partner countries in establishing port-specific and standardised operating procedures, cross-border communications, multi-sector information sharing, and regional co-ordination frameworks to address threats. Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines implemented more effective standard operating procedures and regional co-ordination frameworks to counter these proliferation threats in the Indo-Pacific maritime environment. Alongside this, we have provided advisory support and training to advance maritime security with Pacific Island nations throughout the region.
“And last year we led the Export Control and Human Rights Initiative, a Summit for Democracy deliverable, and co-hosted the first plenary in September 2023. Twenty-six states subscribed to the Initiative’s Code of Conduct committing to apply export controls to prevent the proliferation of goods, software, and technologies that may enable serious human rights abuses.
“We are sending a clear message: the United States stands with our friends, we stand with democracy, and our commitments to the norms and principles of the UN Charter will not waver. Twenty-first century challenges require 21st century solutions. These solutions are no longer just the traditional mechanisms we have employed in the past. Some have been strengthened while others are adjusted, or new and different. This new security landscape requires innovation and creativity; it requires resilience and modernisation. We are clear-eyed about the areas in which our adversaries or competitors are making inroads, and how our actions will determine the safety and security of our future generations.
“Thank-you.”
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