Since the UN's establishment in 1945, eight people have held the post of secretary-general: Trygve Lie (1946-53), Dag Hammarskjold (1953-61), U Thant (1964-71), Kurt Waldheim (1972-81), Javier Perez de Cuellar (1982-91), Boutros Boutros-Ghali (1992-1996) and Kofi Annan (1997-2006). Ban Ki-moon's second term will end in 2016.
Clark's campaign signals not only her continuity with, but also her departure from these eight UN heads. As a former elected representative and prime minister involved in foreign affairs, Clark can stress her common professional background with Lie, Waldheim, and Boutros-Ghali, who were each previously their respective government's foreign minister. As a senior international public servant, Clark can also claim affinity with Annan.
As Clark's performance on HARDtalk illustrates, this former prime minister is making good use of her experience as a seasoned political campaigner, her reputation as a staunch defender of a small country's independence in foreign affairs, and her record of building consensus within an MMP environment.
With previous holders hailing from Norway, Sweden, Burma, Austria, Peru, Egypt, Ghana, and South Korea, Clark could be the first secretary-general from the South Pacific region. Her gender could also breach this exclusive male domain. Indeed, the highly gendered dimensions of leading international organisations could be the foundation of her campaign for the top job and a priority will be enlisting support for the first female UN secretary-general. No job description exists for this post.
Its roles and responsibilities are at best signalled in a few articles of the UN charter.
The secretary-general is the UN's chief administrative officer, including for the Security Council and the General Assembly. But perhaps the most important aspect of the position is the ability to bring to the Security Council's attention any matter which, in his or her opinion, may threaten the maintenance of international peace and security.
This means the secretary-general plays a key role in the high politics of international security.
Tensions between the multilateral internationalism of the secretary-general and the vital interests of the P5 can reach boiling point.
And if a single permanent member of the Security Council becomes irritated with a secretary-general, then the consequences can be terminal - for that incumbent.
At the start of the Cold War, for instance, the USSR refused to work with Lie, rendering him something of a lame duck until he resigned.
When Peter Fraser travelled to San Francisco in 1945 to put New Zealand's signature on the UN Charter and help bring the organisation into existence, he would not have dreamed that a New Zealander would one day be considered for the secretary-general position.
If successful, Clark's campaign to ascend the UN Secretariat's throne would be of no direct benefit to New Zealand's foreign policy because the secretary-general must always be independent from any government.
A successful campaign would, however, make Helen Clark the most visible New Zealander in contemporary world affairs, playing a role in addressing questions of international security and peace for up to 10 years.
This would bring more enduring benefits than a non-permanent seat on the UN Security Council and would magnify New Zealand's place on anyone's map.
Dr Damien Rogers lectures in the politics programme at Massey University, Albany.
