President Donald Trump spent part of Easter morning cursing Iran, calling its leaders “crazy bastards” and threatening that the nation will be “living in Hell” if it does not open the Strait of Hormuz. The next morning on the White House lawn, steps away from the Easter Bunny and military families hunting for eggs, he doubled down. “They don’t want to cry, as the expression goes, ‘uncle’,” he told reporters, “but they will. And if they don’t, they’ll have no bridges, they’ll have no power plants, they’ll have no anything.”
Making Iran beg for mercy is only the latest objective for the war. In just five weeks of military operations, the rationale has shifted from pre-emptive strikes against nuclear and missile facilities to regime change and liberation. Once Iran restricted access through the Strait of Hormuz, sending oil and gas prices soaring globally, the new military objective was to compel its reopening. But now, the national security crisis has ceded to a crisis of identity – for Iran and the United States, for Trump and the American people.
Nations, like individuals, have egos – and each will wage war to protect its own. Scholars of international relations call this ontological security, which holds that nations need a stable sense of identity just as much as they need physical and economic security. They will prioritise affirming that identity even when it compromises their wellbeing. Iran and the US would benefit from the end of war – extended conflict and a blockaded strait are in no one’s interest. Though a temporary ceasefire agreement was reached late on Tuesday, the hostilities persisted because both nations have become more concerned with saving face than saving lives, a telltale sign that the threat is ontological, not strategic.
Iran’s rejection of an earlier peace deal is proof: rather than agree to open the strait in exchange for a 45-day ceasefire, Iran demanded sanctions relief and a permanent end to the war. Experts note that the 1979 revolution and hostage crisis transformed the nation’s identity to one of resistance and Islamic redemption. Defying the US and Israel, supporting a network of non-state actors abroad, and securing its religious regime all became central to Iran’s claim to legitimacy. It will open the strait only if doing so can be framed as successful resistance, something the temporary ceasefire apparently delivered. More valuable to Iran than its oil reserves is its sense of self; even if the military conflict is lost, victory is defined by not surrendering – and especially not to Uncle Sam.
Besides, he’s got his own issues. America’s shifting, contradictory goals are symptoms of a country that’s no longer sure of its place in the world. It wants to be treated like the indispensable nation, but under Trump, it’s also become uninterested in multinational alliances and international accountability. This contradiction is coloured by partisanship, causing Americans to experience the resulting anxieties differently. For the MAGA faithful, the only acceptable outcome is for Iran to lose heart and quit or for Trump to lose interest and leave, declaring victory along the way. The rest of the nation experiences the moment as vertigo – a national identity dizzied by instability, capriciousness and distrust.