Senior Pentagon officials have consulted with former senior defence officials as they grapple with the challenge, said one person familiar with the matter.
Part of the discussion centres on how much emphasis should go into buying weapons the military already uses versus investing in high-end technologies, such as artificial intelligence, that the Pentagon envisions as part of its future.
The roughly US$900b defence budget approved last year was the largest in US history.
While other nations have also increased their military spending, the US already spends more on defence than the next nine countries combined, according to 2023 data from the Peter G. Peterson Foundation, a non-partisan think-tank.
“I’m not surprised they’re having difficulty doing that,” said William Hoagland, senior vice-president at the Bipartisan Policy Centre, a non-partisan think-tank. “That’s an awful lot of money in one year.”
Spokespeople for the White House and the Defence Department declined to comment.
Trump, Hegseth and many congressional Republicans have defended the proposed increase in the military budget as necessary to pay for an array of new priorities and confront foreign adversaries.
Hegseth has said that the money would be spent “wisely” and that the larger budget would send “a message to the world”.
The forthcoming White House budget for the 2027 financial year will spell out the Administration’s proposed spending levels across the Government. It requires congressional approval to be enacted and faces long odds.
“This will allow us to build the ‘Dream Military’ that we have long been entitled to and, more importantly, that will keep us SAFE and SECURE, regardless of foe,” Trump said in a Truth Social post this month confirming his support for the US$1.5 trillion budget number.
The Pentagon has been grappling with how to rapidly replenish expensive munitions that it has relied on heavily, including Tomahawk cruise missiles, Patriot missile-defence interceptors and ship-launched munitions known as Standard Missile-6s, or SM-6s.
It also is wrestling with how to upgrade its Cold War-era nuclear weapons programme with expensive next-generation systems like the B-21 bomber and the Columbia-class submarine.
The aircraft, with an estimated cost of about US$700 million each, is expected to replace the Air Force’s fleet of B-1 and B-2 bombers. The Columbia-class submarines are expected to cost at least US$9b each.
Hegseth, upon taking office, directed each military service to look for budget reductions of 8%; the money could then be invested in other Pentagon priorities better aligned with Trump’s agenda.
Hegseth bristled at the suggestion that such reprogramming should be considered cuts, saying he would be “reorienting” about US$50b in defence spending that the Biden administration had planned.
More recently, Hegseth has called for “supercharging” the US industrial base, seeking to speed up how quickly the military can field new weapons and other capabilities, in part by not relying as heavily on traditional defence contractors.
With such a significant jump in spending planned, it now appears that the Pentagon budget is detached from a new national defence strategy that Hegseth’s team released in January, said Mark Cancian, a retired Marine Corps colonel and senior adviser with the Centre for Strategic and International Studies.
That strategy calls for the Pentagon to focus first on defence in the Western Hemisphere, with less emphasis on Europe, Africa and the Middle East.
It’s a “head-scratcher” that the Pentagon wants to spend so much money while also cutting back in those areas, Cancian said.
“If you’ve got a 50% budget increase, you don’t have to do any of that,” he said.
“You’d be talking about all the new places you’d making investments.”
The federal deficit, or the gap between what the government spent and what it collected in tax revenue, was $1.8 trillion last year. That number was down from the surges of red ink during the Covid-19 years but up significantly from the standard deficit before the pandemic.
Vought, a deficit hawk, has long called for reducing federal spending while also supporting Trump’s general goal of rebuilding the American military.
He was instrumental in securing additional funding for the military last year in the GOP’s tax bill, which bypassed the typical bipartisan process for setting military spending.
The increase in military spending alone would amount to one of the biggest federal programmes.
One Democratic plan to expand Medicare to cover dental, vision and hearing benefits would cost US$350b over the next decade, by comparison.
If Congress were to spend an additional US$500b every year on the military, the cost would be US$5 trillion over the next decade. It is unclear if the Trump Administration’s proposal is for an additional US$500b just for next year, or US$500b each year for a decade.
“I’m sure there are very difficult conversations happening right now. Obviously, it would have a huge impact,” said Charles Kieffer, who spent several decades across administrations in the White House Office of Management and Budget and working for Democrats on the Senate Appropriations Committee.
“A 50% increase requires a completely different formulation for your priorities.”
Some experts in military spending panned the proposed increase as likely to increase fraud and waste.
Julia Gledhill, a research analyst for the national security reform programme at the non-partisan Stimson Centre, pointed to failed audits at the Pentagon and a lack of clear guardrails on much of the new military spending approved last year in the GOP’s One Big Beautiful Bill, which she said has been used like a “slush fund”.
“We don’t know what we’re already spending money on. We don’t have details on how the Pentagon is using its trillion-dollar budget,” Gledhill said.
“How are you supposed to make educated, informed decisions about the military budget if you don’t know where it’s already going?”
- Noah Robertson contributed to this report.
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