Tapu Misa writes that those in the West who are uneasy at China's growth can be reassured by the scale of the challenges it faces.
Harmony and world peace: it sounded like something a Miss Universe beauty contestant would say.
But in China, these words were uttered time and again by central and provincial government officials, with evident sincerity.
True, we were there, a group of us, with the intention of making friends, so it
was to be expected that friendly feelings would abound. Under the auspices of the New Zealand-China Friendship Society, and hosted by the influential Chinese People's Association for Friendship with Foreign Countries, we embraced as much local culture and as many Chinese as our schedule would allow.
Still, it was surprising to find how assiduously China works on its friendships.
"You can call me Jennifer," one woman enthused to an audience of nearly 90. "I want to be your friend!" It was the same on the streets, where we were constantly assailed by bright (and it seemed, uniformly happy) children eager to practise the English they have to study from primary-school age. "Hello! ... Nice to meet you!"
Even former US President Jimmy Carter got in on the act, telling us in Shanghai that since 1978, when Deng Xiaoping led China into an era of Reform and Opening Up, the republic had reached out to the world and become "one of the most dynamic and friendly nations on earth".
Xue Bing, a Ministry of Foreign Affairs official, assured us that China's activities around the world are aimed not just at furthering its own development but "a harmonious world of lasting peace and common prosperity".
Not world domination, then, as seems to be widely suspected in the West. A poll by Australia's Lowy Institute this year found, perhaps not unsurprisingly, that while more than two-thirds of Australians thought China's growth had been good for Australia, almost as many thought China's aim was to dominate Asia, and nearly half thought China would attack Australia in the next 20 years.
Jimmy Carter's dubbing of Shanghai as "a city too busy to hate" (borrowed from Atlanta, Georgia) may be the best reassurance.
As Mr Xue pointed out, China faces difficulties and challenges the scale and cost of which are hard for the rest of us to imagine: around 150 million of its people still live in poverty; and 20 million jobs need to be created every year. That makes our problems here in New Zealand seem tiny by comparison.
China's human rights record doesn't inspire confidence, but the China we see is infinitely more complex. It is a study in contrasts; the second biggest economy in the world, yet still a developing nation, it is both technologically advanced and backward, with more than half its population still living in poor rural areas. The World Bank describes China's record on poverty as "enviable"; between 1981 and 2005, it moved 600 million out of poverty, no mean feat.
China is now in the midst of an ambitious programme to urbanise the equivalent of the population of the US in the space of 15 years. The cities offer jobs, and a better standard of living. Hence the literal translation of the theme of the world expo in Shanghai, "better life in the city".
The challenge for China is to balance its urban drive and continuing GDP growth with its efforts to become progressively greener.
It seems to be winning that race too. While the US dithers and argues over the strength of the scientific case for climate change, China's clean energy sector is booming, aided (unfairly, some say) by aggressive government policies and generous subsidies. The sector provides more than a million jobs. We could learn a lot from China's greening.
Within China, it's often said that what is good for China is good for the world.
Huo Jianguo, president of the Chinese Academy of International Trade and Economic Co-operation, has argued in an op-ed piece in the Financial Times that China is currently providing stability to world markets as the largest holder of US government debt and US dollar-denominated reserves.
"China-US relations changed when the world learnt that America's financial system would collapse unless the Government saved insolvent US-based global banks, insurance companies and carmakers. The bailout turned the US Government into the largest shareholder of formerly privately-owned companies, subsidising their commercial failure.
"The US often pursues policies that are 'win-win' for itself alone. Its policy-makers would undermine China's vital national security and economic interests while seeking China's help in protecting America's vital interests. But the reality is that the policies America proposed are implementable and sustainable only if they are beneficial also for China."
Tapu.Misa@gmail.com
