Asked by an AFP reporter aboard Air Force One if he was considering putting US troops on the ground or using airstrikes, Trump replied: “Could be, I mean, a lot of things – I envisage a lot of things.”
“They’re killing the Christians and killing them in very large numbers,” he said. “We’re not going to allow that to happen.”
Pushing back on the accusations, Nigerian President Bola Tinubu said religious tolerance was “a core tenet of our collective identity”.
Ethnic violence
Auta, 56, hails from Plateau state, where Christians and Muslims have long lived side by side.
The state has also seen explosions of violence – including deadly sectarian riots in the capital Jos in 2001 and 2008.
In recent years, Plateau and other states in Nigeria’s “Middle Belt” have suffered deadly clashes between mostly Christian farmers and Fulani Muslim herders over dwindling land and resources.
The conflict has often resulted in massive death tolls on the side of the farmers, with entire villages razed.
Smaller-scale attacks on herders – including retaliatory killings of random ethnic Fulanis or their cattle – often generate fewer headlines in both the local and international press.
Though the violence appears on the surface to fall across ethnic and religious lines, experts say the root causes lie in poor land management and policing in rural areas.
Words like “genocide” have been thrown around by those in Plateau frustrated by the escalating violence, though typically in ethnic, not religious terms.
Claims of a “Christian genocide” meanwhile have been pushed in recent years by separatist groups in the southeast.
US-based firm Moran Global Strategies has been lobbying on behalf of separatists this year, advising congressional staff on what it said was Christian “persecution”, according to lobbying disclosures.
Row over deportations, visas
Nigeria also faces a long-running jihadist conflict in its northeast and “bandit” gangs in the northwest who conduct kidnappings and village raids.
The north’s population is mostly Muslim – meaning most of the victims are, too.
“Even those who sold this narrative of Christian genocide know it is not true,” said Abubakar Gamandi, a Muslim who heads a fishermen’s union in Borno state, the epicentre of the Boko Haram conflict.
Oxford Economics political analyst Jervin Naidoo said that “while the terrorism threat is real”, Washington’s amped-up rhetoric could be related to Abuja rejecting demands to accept non-Nigerian deportees expelled from the United States as part of Trump’s immigration crackdown.
“This move differs from countries like Eswatini, Uganda, Rwanda and Ghana, which have complied. In response, the US tightened visa rules for Nigerians,” he noted.
Trump previously attacked South Africa over what he called a “genocide” against its Dutch-descended Afrikaner community and has offered them refugee status.
Critics of the President said the rhetoric was part of Trump’s hardline diplomatic strategy, yet it has also resonated with some in Nigeria.
Reverend Joseph Hayab, chairman of the Christian Association of Nigeria for the country’s north, said he rejected the framing of “farmer-herder violence” and called Trump’s comments a “wake-up call”.
“People are twisting the story as if Trump said he is coming to fight Nigeria. No, he is coming to deal with terrorists,” he told AFP.
Tinubu spokesman Daniel Bwala noted that “Donald Trump has his own style of communication”, suggesting to AFP Sunday that Trump’s post was a way to “force a sit-down between the two leaders so they can iron out a common front to fight their insecurity”.
- Agence France-Presse
