None of that's exactly clickbait for the tax-averse, intervention-weary middle ground in New Zealand politics. But Little thinks it's the right thing to do for the regions, so on that front it's doubters-be-damned.
Once you look at real examples of Labour's contribution to the public debate, it's hard to see where the pessimism argument is coming from.
That's true on questions of political strategy, too. Quin says Labour "has barely moved in the polls since last year's historic drubbing." Labour got 25 per cent in last year's election. Less than a year later, four of the five latest polls have Labour above 30 per cent. An increase of more than five points inside a year, with the Greens' vote steady or slowly increasing as well, isn't "barely moved." It's "solid early progress."
Quin does, correctly, that Little's decision not to pursue a Capital Gains Tax was motivated by electoral pragmatism. He also notes, also correctly, that Labour's position on the TPPA is a skeptical "wait and see" at the moment, not a definitive yes or no.
These are certainly shades-of-grey positions, the signpost of a party cognizant of both its principled starting point and the limits of what the public actually wants. Serious political parties always care about both these things. But those premises don't lead to Quin's pessimistic, fearful conclusion.
Many commentators have noted Labour's caucus is more united, more disciplined, than it has been since Helen Clark. For the first time in around six years, the leadership murmors have disappeared.
Why is all that? Because they're all so glum? No. Quite the opposite.
Of course, there's much hard work left to do. The left still trails the right in most polls. That cannot stand, but there are two years to turn it around. The early signs are positive.
Rob Salmond is a communications and analytics consultant, whose clients include Andrew Little.