KEY POINTS:
New Zealanders owe Nicky Hager a lot for shining the light on the cockroaches infesting right-wing politics in his book The Hollow Men. Hager has exposed how deep the failed ideologues of Rogernomics and other rightwing nutters had secretly embedded themselves around their Manchurian candidate Don Brash.
The
two hard-right high priests of the first two neoconservative pre-sequels, Roger Douglas and Ruth Richardson, were in deep, quietly manoeuvring Brash in the background in readiness for "Rogernomics - Part III". Most New Zealanders hated the first two versions so, as before, it was being planned in secret. But the three stars are obviously mutual fans.
Douglas sends regular advice to Brash. Meanwhile, Richardson gushingly tells Brash that she is his "biggest fan" and he responds that she is "GREAT".
The usual old guard from the Business Roundtable - Doug Myers, David Richwhite, Alan Gibbs, Peter Shirtcliffe and Rod Deane - were providing the secret funds. It appears their deputy chairman, Diane Foreman, was providing him support of the sort that the old men couldn't.
I hate to think what they had in store for us if Brash had managed to pull off the last election. I would have thought they'd milked the country of enough loot to leave us alone so we can repair the damage. But it seems their appetites are insatiable.
This lot have been on the outer since Jim Bolger refused to go along with them and sacked Richardson. They had no choice but to start up their own party, Act. Despite initial successes under Richard Prebble, it couldn't get traction. Instead they dumped Rodney Hide and head-hunted Brash into a senior place in the National Party. When Bill English couldn't win government they strategised a dirty wee coup against him and installed Brash. The thought that senior members of Act like Roger Douglas, Michael Bassett, President Catherine Judd and campaigner Brian Nicole co-ordinating a coup against English, and replacing him with their choice is sinister and grubby at best.
One of the revealing titbits in Hager's book may explain the coolness by English towards National's new golden boy, John Key. When the coup against English was under way, Key asked English what advancement he could expect. Key was obviously satisfied and promised English his support. However, the next day when the leadership ballot went up in the caucus, Key gave his vote to Brash. English lost by one vote.
English comes from the old school - when you give your word, you keep it. Or at the very least if you change your mind you tell the person before the vote.
All of us know that your word is critical in backroom wheeling and dealing, and English would find it impossible to trust Key now. Hager's book also exposes Brash over National's involvement with the Exclusive Brethren. Brash's greatest strength was his personal integrity. Even when he virtually conceded he had been lying to his wife about his affair he claimed he "never lied to the public".
It seems clear now that Labour was right about his involvement with the Brethren. It seems their accusations that he was being financed and advised by Republican right wing interests is also true. There is even a possibility that a secret million-dollar fund was established by these people for Brash. The Electoral Commission should be looking at this.
But of even more concern for National must be that if they were in cahoots with the Brethren's campaign, then by law the Brethren campaign expenditure must be included into their election expenses. Labour's pledge card spending was an honest mistake and they have paid the price. But National's collusion with the Brethren was deliberately concealed. Under the Electoral Act this makes the National Party's action's illegal.
Ironically, the attempts by National to brand Labour corrupt over the pledge card fiasco sets them up. Labour made a serious mistake. But what National has done is not an inadvertent mistake.
The careless denials by Brash and the nonchalance of Gerry Brownlee claiming there was no wrong-doing do their party no favours. Before tomorrow's caucus the entire leadership needs to reflect.
It's clear from Hager's book that cynicism and lying are entrenched in some leadership circles. I have no doubt Key was in up to his neck with Business Roundtable funders and knew exactly what the connection with the Brethren was.
If Brash wants to retain any part of his reputation he should tell us the full truth before tomorrow. So should Key. Maybe that's too much to ask.
Assuming Key gets the top job, he should make a clean sweep and push Brash, Brownlee and Murray McCully to the backbenches. Key would be mad to think he can give Brash the finance spokesman's role after this. If he was smart he'd make up with English, ask him to be his deputy and to take on finance.
The last thing National should do is carry on as if nothing is wrong and blame Nicky Hager. New Zealand politics has hit a tacky new low and they shouldn't be allowed to spin their way out of it. New Zealanders who care about our democracy should buy a copy of The Hollow Men.
