Dialogue: Breathtaking hypocrisy in Indonesian policies

By MARIE LEADBEATER

The irony is bittersweet. Australian and New Zealand soldiers now protect the East Timorese people and effectively unwind the results of their Governments' realpolitik of 1975.

Just-released Australian foreign affairs documents lay bare the breathtaking hypocrisy of the politicians and diplomats who systematically hid the truth about their knowledge of Indonesia's 1975 covert operations in East Timor. The papers also show that some diplomats recommending a more principled position of supporting the rights of the East Timorese to self-determination were overruled.

Former Prime Minister Gough Whitlam ranks high in the cynicism stakes since he actively encouraged Indonesia to annexe East Timor while telling his advisers to make obeisance to self-determination to fend off domestic criticism.

Australian diplomats in Canberra and Jakarta were informed three days in advance about the plans for an October 16, 1975, attack on Balibo. No attempt was made to warn or to check on the location of the five Australian-based journalists who were reporting from the area.

What followed was a game of charades, a pretence that there was no direct information about the event. Australian Ambassador Richard Woolcott warned in a cable of the risk of serious consequences if public opinion was inflamed by seeing the casualties to be the result of Indonesian intervention.

In the New Zealand documents for 1975-76 (released in 1994 under the Official Information Act) there are briefings from Foreign Affairs that bear a striking resemblance to the Australian documents.

The Prime Minister of the day, Bill Rowling, was being advised in 1975 to express public support for the principle of self-determination while simultaneously signalling quietly to Indonesia his understanding of its concern about an independent East Timor.

"If the press ask about Indonesia's position, you might refer them to President Suharto's remarks in recent days. These confirm that Indonesia would be concerned at having an unstable independent Timor in its midst. This is understandable ... It would be desirable, however, for you to reiterate New Zealand's support for self-determination ... " wrote the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, Merv Norrish, on August 18, 1975.

The news of the death of New Zealander Gary Cunningham, one of the five journalists killed at Balibo, made no impact on the diplomatic advice. On October 23, 1975, Mr Rowling was encouraged to say not only that there was "no evidence" of border incursions, but that New Zealand was "impressed by the restraint the Indonesians have shown."

What if Australia and New Zealand had played a different diplomatic hand and exposed the truth about Indonesia's takeover intentions? It is hard to resist the conjecture that East Timor could have been spared.

Have we learned the lesson? Sadly, no - quiet diplomacy continues.

New Zealand's defence ties with Indonesia are suspended, but it has emerged that Indonesian military personnel have been invited to attend a New Zealand-hosted, multi-nation "Western Naval Symposium" in Auckland in November.

In a document released to TVNZ in February, Defence and Foreign Affairs officials recommend a proactive media stance to counteract the unfavourable comment which the Indonesian military presence will inevitably provoke.

Helen Clark's friendly invitation to President Wahid to visit New Zealand suggests he may expect at most a polite reminder about human rights issues.

A year ago, when the mayhem in East Timor was at its height, quiet diplomacy finally lost its currency. The leaders of the Western world, gathered for the Apec summit in Auckland, took a strong and effective stand beginning with an immediate cut-off of military ties. Economic sanctions were threatened and Indonesia's President Habibie was persuaded to allow an international peacekeeping force in.

But it did not last long. The European Union dropped its arms embargo on Indonesia back in January. The United States confirmed that it had resumed military ties with Indonesia in July, and in the same month the Indonesian Defence Minister announced that 12 Army officers would go to Australia for training.

Indonesia says it is not responsible for the militia violence in West Timor or the actions of the so-called jihad warriors in Maluku. The military may be the hand in the glove but the authorities blame rogue elements.

Militia leader Eurico Guterres gives the lie to these excuses. This time last year he was storming through Dili leading his rampaging thugs in his copycat special forces uniform, complete with Eurico name tag and red beret. Well armed, they took over the streets and indiscriminately attacked United Nations staff, aid workers and independence supporters.

So is he on the run or in jail? Far from it. His name is a glaring omission from the Attorney-General's list of 19 people suspected of being behind the East Timor killings.

He is believed to have been behind the violent deaths of three UN staff who died in Atambua. He was recently filmed by Indonesian television leading a pro-Megawati Sukarnoputri rally, no doubt fulfilling a requirement of his new job as head of the youth wing of Vice-President Megawati's party.

At the start of a new millennium is it not too much to expect an end to "realpolitik" and a new start on open, upfront diplomacy? Is it worth a try? I am sure the refugees trapped in West Timor and the relatives of the journalists who died at Balibo would say yes.

*Maire Leadbeater is spokeswoman for the Indonesia Human Rights Committee.