Although dismissed as having discussion group status only, the report drew on verifiable instances. It detailed the curtailing of freedoms for our ethnic Chinese community, "a silencing of debates on the PRC [People's Republic of China[ in the wider political sphere", and the corrupting influence on the political system of the "blurring of political and economic interests".
These instances were drawn in part from research by Canterbury University's China specialist Dr Anne-Marie Brady, as well as the public record.
Whatever the level of concern about sovereignty and independent foreign policies, for New Zealanders wishing to benefit from China's huge trading and credit capacity – including its 2013 Global Belt and Road initiative, or so-called digital silk road – the report was surely accurate in its conclusion. Containing foreign political interference, it said, requires "the political will of the government of the day and popular support".
On that score our record is mixed. In 1999 and 2003 our police prevented protesters from being seen by visiting Chinese presidents, once by driving tourist buses in front of the delegation. Then in 2007 they removed an ethnic Chinese reporter from parliamentary coverage because of alleged Falungong membership.
Citizens in close neighbour Fiji have also had cause in the past decade to reflect on sovereignty issues. In 2008, soon after Fiji expressed its support for China's actions in dealing with rioting in Tibet, Fiji police arrested 17 people peacefully protesting in support of Tibet outside China's Suva embassy.
Later that year, after China committed to increasing its imports from Fiji, Commodore Bainimarama, Fiji's dictator, thanked the Chinese Government for recognising Fiji's sovereignty and "adopting a policy of non-interference".
In 2010, when several countries at the UN highlighted human rights violations under the Bainimarama administration, the Chinese delegation intervened to commend Fiji for its efforts "in the promotion and protection of human rights".
The anti-corruption campaign within China and attempts to apply the rule of law have been well advertised. What is not widely known is that China showed concern for these – and its outreach – by conducting in Fiji a month-long investigation into "internet related crimes" by its citizens there.
Dramatic scenes splashed over its own media as a cautionary tale received little coverage here – despite images in English and Australian news media showing handcuffed and hooded renderings back to China.
Although Fijian opposition party and Amnesty International protests that sovereignty was impinged and lawyer access provisions not met, 77 open visa holders were airlifted to China without due process.
If this can happen in the largest Pacific Island nation, smaller countries in the region must be vulnerable to Chinese high-handedness impinging on their sovereignty.
Mandarin-speaking Brady refers to principles of Chinese diplomacy: "seek common points and set aside differences" (qiu tong cun yi) and "seek common points, face up to differences" (qiu tong li yi).
After an anonymous warning letter last year, Brady had her university office and home broken into, with only laptops taken. Around the same time her academic associates in China were taken in for questioning.
Her cautionary tale is that when dealing with China, or any superpower, we keep our eyes wide open – and ensure both parties face up to important differences.
* Steve Liddle is a researcher and independent journalist based in Napier.
