Formal co-governance was stopped in one form. But unelected influence continued through committees, forums, advisory structures, workshops, officials’ papers, partnership processes and pre-decision settings. That is where problems are framed, options narrowed, and preferred solutions shaped before the public sees a final agenda.
This is not an argument against iwi engagement, Treaty relationships, or cultural advice. It is an argument for democratic visibility. If iwi representatives, officials, consultants or advisory groups shape policy, that influence should be visible, authorised, contestable and accountable.
Local democracy is not protected because councillors cast the final vote. If decisive work is done upstream, upstream influence must be open to scrutiny.
That is why the chief executive’s assurance that the council will “take direction” from elected officials to me rings hollow. In my view, it is fatuous to promise to follow elected members when they are often marginalised from upstream policy work.
By the time matters reach them, assumptions may be built in, options filtered, risks framed and conclusions embedded. The public is then offered late consultation on managed options after real choices have been narrowed. This is administrative theatre.
Ratepayers are entitled to know who shaped the proposal, who influenced the advice, what alternatives were rejected and why. They are entitled to know whether elected members led the process or endorsed what had been prepared.
Ratepayers have low expectations that elected members will now campaign for fundamental reform. Some are constrained by the mayoral award structure of roles, appointments and differentiated salaries. Others have weakened their standing through performative politics. The result is a council table poorly placed to challenge the system that feeds it.
The mayor is right that reform should not be rushed carelessly. Structural reform can fail. Mergers can centralise power, weaken local voice and blur accountability.
But keeping the current system can also fail. It fails when debt rises, rates become unaffordable, councillors become late-stage decision-makers, consultation becomes ritual and voters conclude that local government is done to them, not by them.
That danger is visible in frustration over rates rises that add to inflation, concern about debt, anger over hidden influence and alienation from council processes.
A council that helped create an affordability crisis cannot claim unlimited time to design its escape. A council that tolerated opaque upstream influence cannot ask the public to trust the next process. A council that relied on late and symbolic consultation cannot credibly claim that 90 days is too short.
Councils are not being asked to complete restructuring in 90 days. They are being asked to produce credible proposals, work with neighbours, improve efficiency, and protect local representation. A responsible council should already have much of that work in hand.
For Rotorua, any proposal should meet five tests. It must reduce pressure on ratepayers, with clear and responsible projections for rates, debt, costs and efficiencies. It must expose upstream influence. It must protect elected accountability, so officials, consultants, advisory bodies and partnership forums do not become substitute decision-makers. It must make consultation real. It must admit past failure.
Rotorua needs a disciplined, transparent, ratepayer-centred reform process. It should not set out to preserve Keaney’s Castle. It should restore solvency, accountability, democratic visibility and public trust.
Ninety days may be uncomfortable for councils. But ratepayers have carried the cost of delay for years. They have paid for weak financial discipline, rising debt, hidden policy processes, late consultation dressed up as consent and a culture that protects itself before it serves the public.
Ministers Simon Watts and Chris Bishop should hold their nerve. They should require hard evidence, open books, visible decision trails and proposals that serve ratepayers, not officials, insiders, political careers, or institutional self-preservation.
An imminent general election makes ministerial action more urgent. Voters deserve to know before they vote whether the Government is offering reform or institutional delay.
In my view, if Keaney’s Castle cannot produce credible, transparent, ratepayer-centred reform within the Government’s timetable, ministers should sweep aside its recalcitrance and act.
The question is whether ministers will allow further delay by the institutions that made reform unavoidable.
Reynold Macpherson is a retired professor, ex-councillor and commentator on ethics, democracy and educative leadership, based in Rotorua. He may be contacted at reynold@reynoldmacpherson.ac.nz