The decision by Fiji's military-backed government to abrogate the constitution, sack the judiciary and suspend elections until 2014 was met with international outrage.

Yet the reaction within Fiji has been much more muted.

In Thailand and Madagascar, protestors rallied to the defence of governments ousted by coups. In Fiji there has been a sullen - if begrudging - acceptance of the 27-month-old military regime, despite its preparedness to now tear up fundamental laws.

A few courageous barristers turned up to protest outside courts in Suva and Lautoka when they re-opened after the Easter break, but this was nothing like the reaction in Pakistan, when furious lawyers took to the streets in their black gowns to demand the reinstatement of their Chief Justice.

In contrast, Fiji's Chief Justice, Daniel Fatiaki, who was ousted shortly after the December 2006 coup and accused of corruption, reached a F$275,000 (NZ$216,000) out of court settlement with the interim Government in December 2008, which allowed him to settle quietly into retirement with full pension and other benefits.

That an uprising was possible in the wake of last week's crisis is suggested by the reaction of interim Prime Minister Frank Bainimarama, who had himself reappointed as "caretaker" Prime Minister.

In press conferences, Bainimarama chose to be flanked by his fellow white-uniformed naval officers Viliame Naupoto and Esala Teleni, notably not the top-ranking army officers, who are known to be harbouring grievances at being passed over for promotions or lucrative civil service appointments.

That was an indication of which loyalties can be most counted upon at a time of crisis.

To present an image of normalcy and continuity, ministers were all sworn into their same portfolios in the wake of the abrogation of the constitution. Military minders were sent into the newsrooms of the local media organisations, foreign journalists were expelled and the signals from Radio Australia were jammed in an effort to avoid "negative publicity".

That need to control the news was a sign of the regime's weakness, not its strength or popularity.

The military command has been careful to avoid any potential flashpoints. When deposed Prime Minister Laisenia Qarase departed for his home island of Mavana straight after the December 2006 takeover, it came as some relief to the military authorities.

For months, the local airlines and shipping companies were forbidden from carrying him back to the capital, for fear his return might serve as the focal point for popular mobilisation.

When the courts intervened and allowed Qarase to return in September 2007, the political temperature suddenly rose and Bainimarama responded by re-introducing emergency regulations. But nothing happened.