In war, the moral is to the physical as three to one, said Napoleon, and the Libyan rebels demonstrated the truth of that. Muammar Gaddafi had more soldiers, they were better trained and armed, and did not lack courage. But the rebels believed that they would win, and once Gaddafi's
Gwynne Dyer: Rebels need allies' help
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Then they have to write a constitution, hold a free election, and form a legitimate government to which the National Transitional Council (NTC) will hand over all its powers. They also have to restart the economy and get money into people's hands as quickly as possible. Many Libyans have not been paid for four months now.
That task will be a lot easier if the country's foreign currency reserves, much of which are held abroad in accounts that were frozen by the UN during the conflict in order to cut off Gaddafi's cash flow, are released rapidly to the new Libyan government. It will also want to borrow a lot of money abroad to repair the oil facilities that were damaged in the fighting and get exports moving again. That money will almost certainly be made available, because Libya has enough oil reserves to repay it tenfold, if necessary. But then the going gets harder.
Many in the rebel leadership understand that the country's tribal loyalties are divisive, but keeping them out of democratic politics will not be easy. It's especially hard because there are no powerful civic organisations (professional associations, trade unions, etc.) to serve as an alternate focus for political activity.
Libyan society was atomised under Gaddafi, quite deliberately, in order to make each individual isolated and powerless when dealing with the regime. Now all those horizontal links that are collectively known as "civil society" must be recreated, without allowing tribal and regional loyalties to take over. Which is why the fact that the revolution has powerful foreign supporters could be useful to Libya.
Britain and France, in particular, have committed a great deal of political capital to the success of the Libyan revolution. They carried out more than half of the air strikes in support of the rebels, while other European democracies and Canada, all Nato members, did the rest. (The US only contributed surveillance capabilities and occasional Predator drone strikes).
These European allies need to justify their intervention to their own people, so they will do everything in their power to make sure that there are no massacres, that Gaddafi and his allies, when caught, are handed over to the International Criminal Court for trial (much better for the stability of the country than trying him in Libya), and that the process of building a democratic government in Libya goes as smoothly as possible.
They have a great deal of leverage over the rebel forces and they will use it to keep the revolution on the tracks. Despite all the obstacles to a smooth transition that Libya faces, the outcome here could be surprisingly positive.
Gwynne Dyer is a London-based independent journalist whose articles are published in 45 countries.