In the 10-part series What's the Plan? The Herald's political and specialist reporters examine the big issues facing New Zealand and how the main political parties plan to deal with them. Here, Michael Neilson compares the policies for major Māori issues over the past three years.
In 2018 at Waitangi, Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern asked Māori to hold her to account.
And hold her to account Māori have.
The past three years have heard Māori voices loud and clear over major inequities in the justice and health sectors, dissatisfaction with the Treaty of Waitangi settlement process and in particular Ihumātao, and perhaps most of all on Oranga Tamariki and the disproportionate uplifts of Māori babies.
It is not that these issues didn't exist before, and in many cases they have seen improvements in outcomes, but there has unarguably been a renewed fire to address them.
The context
The 2017 election saw a tumultuous shift in Māori politics, with all seven Māori seats going to Labour candidates.
It eliminated the Māori Party after nine years in Government alongside National, ending the careers of stalwarts Marama Fox and Te Ururoa Flavell, defeated by the very party they were established in protest of, following the Foreshore and Seabed debacle.
Many saw the outcome as punishment for standing with a right-leaning party that often went against core Māori interests, and the party of Don Brash and his infamous Orewa speech.
But during those nine years there were major achievements, including implementing revolutionary welfare reforms in Whānau Ora, signing the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, and repealing the Foreshore and Seabed Act.
There was also rapid movement in settling historical Te Tiriti o Waitangi grievances, with 58 completed and a further 30 left in varying stages of completion.
These included "revolutionary" settlements, such as those with Tūhoe and Whanganui iwi, which gave Te Urewera and Whanganui River legal identities.
Māori representation in Parliament today has never been higher, making up about 23 per cent of representatives, despite making up only 16 per cent of the population.
For a time Māori-led every single parliamentary party, bar Labour, until Simon Bridges was ousted from the National role.
In taking those seats from the Māori Party, Labour's Māori MPs vowed to stand for Māori interests like never before, and address entrenched inequities.
Te Tai Tokerau MP Kelvin Davis was promoted to deputy leader and given ministerial portfolios including the newly-established Te Arawhiti/Ministry of Māori Crown Relations, tasked with ensuring the Government honoured the Treaty; and Corrections, setting about reforms to slash the stubbornly-high Māori prison population.
Davis has also backed $230m in funding for kohanga reo; and Māori Development Minister Nanaia Mahuta secured $100m to help unlock the potential of Māori land.
But it's not only been Māori leaders, with Justice and Treaty Negotiations Minister Andrew Little earning huge respect in Māoridom.
He's set about making major changes in the justice sector, and with Ngāpuhi, the largest of the unsettled claims, supports engaging at a hapū level - a dramatic shift from his predecessor Chris Finlayson.
He also gained kudos for his speech in te reo Māori at Waitangi this year.
The Government has also promised for New Zealand history to be taught in schools by 2022, including the Land Wars, and Labour has vowed to introduce Matariki as a public holiday the same year - a policy first touted by the Māori Party back in 2009, and also strongly supported by the Greens.
But in many areas progress has been slow, which has left the Government open to criticism.
Issues continue at Oranga Tamariki, with the Government favouring reform and Māori leaders outside Parliament wanting to shut it down. Some of the larger remaining Treaty settlements have not progressed, and a resolution at Ihumātao remains uncertain.
Meanwhile Māori continue at the wrong end of many statistics: Māori unemployment is almost double the national rate, Māori make up over half the prison population, and there remain similar disparities across health and social statistics.
Alongside the Government, the Green Party has continued its evolution from an environmental party and regularly champions bold policies for Māori and the Government adhering to Te Tiriti.
Co-leader and Māori development spokeswoman Marama Davidson has been particularly vocal around equity issues, challenging the Government on its justice record for Māori, and in particular the disastrous Armed Response Trial that took place in predominantly Māori and Pasifika neighbourhoods.
The party is also behind the referendum to legalise cannabis, which many argue will provide legal opportunities to former illicit growers and address justice inequities for Māori.
Māori are three times more likely to be arrested and convicted of a cannabis-related crime than non-Māori, and the Drug Foundation estimates that legalising cannabis could reduce Māori cannabis convictions by up to 1279 per year.
But not sitting idly in the wings has been the Māori Party, with new leaders Debbie Ngarewa-Packer and John Tamihere consistently holding the Government to account, in particular around Oranga Tamariki and Whānau Ora.
Te Tiriti and Ihumātao
The National Party vows to continue its rapid settling of historical Treaty claims, aiming to complete all those, with iwi and hapū that are willing, by 2029.
But this approach has seen mandate issues emerge, with legal challenges and widespread dissatisfaction – perhaps nowhere more evident than at Ihumātao.
The Labour Party is committed to taking a "tikanga" approach to settlements, which it says means spending more time addressing mandate concerns.
The Green Party wants a review of the settlement process, and is committed to better resourcing the Waitangi Tribunal and requiring the Government to consider its findings and report to Parliament on how it responds to them.
It also wants to see Te Tiriti - the Māori version of the text - and Te Wakaputanga o te Rangatiratanga (Declaration of Independence) affirmed as the country's first formal constitutional documents, and an end to treating settlements as "full and final" and instead ensuring there is true ongoing partnership arrangements.
The Māori Party would see Te Tiriti principles applied across all of Government, reflected in its positions on equity spending and "by Māori, for Māori", and its desire to overturn the Crown's position that "everyone owns water" and instead adopt a position that acknowledges Māori proprietary, customary, and decision-making rights and interests to freshwater.
Under its Mana Motuhake policy it would also establish a Māori parliament and entrench Māori seats, among a range of other constitutional changes.
The party would see the Covid-19 recovery observe Te Tiriti, guaranteeing mana whenua representation, and a quarter of projects and resources to go to or involve Māori.
The party also raises concerns about "locking in" inequity in settlements between iwi with relativity clauses, and would end the "full and final" and "large natural grouping" approaches to settlements, ensuring smaller hapū and iwi can have rights recognised.
The dispute at Ihumātao has brought many Treaty issues to a head.
For the Māori Party it is clear- cut – the land was taken from Māori by the Crown ahead of its invasion of the Waikato in the 1860s, and needs to be returned.
The Green Party, with Davidson heavily involved even before entering Parliament, wants any resolution to centre the wishes of mana whenua.
Labour says it will continue seeking a resolution with all parties, meanwhile both National and Act have denounced the Government's involvement, saying it should respect property rights.
NZ First has also expressed concern over Government involvement, believing to be overriding the wishes of mana whenua.
Oranga Tamariki
Oranga Tamariki was established in 2017 to replace Child, Youth and Family Services, and address systemic issues, particularly around unequal outcomes for Māori.
It has been under intense scrutiny ever since – the most potent following a Newsroom investigation and video showing the uplift of a 6-day-old baby from his 19-year-old mother at Hawke's Bay Hospital.
Following that incident Oranga Tamariki has been subject to multiple damning reviews, the latest of which by the Chief Ombudsman found the removal of newborn babies from their parents had become "routine", slating a lack of consultation and Māori specialist staff, and high caseloads.
As of June 2019, 6429 children were in state custody, and 69 per cent of them were Māori.
Māori children aged between 0 and 3 months were five times more likely to be uplifted than non-Māori.
But Minister for Oranga Tamariki Tracey Martin, of NZ First, has been quick to point out despite all of the criticism the agency has made ground, including reducing the number of children in its care 44 per cent.
It has been transparent with statistics, and has engaged in partnerships with several iwi and Māori organisations.
Changes will take time, she says, and at a party level at least, she supports solutions "by Māori, for Māori, with Māori", including devolving resourcing and responsibilities to iwi, Māori organisations, and NGOs.
This view is also supported by Labour, National and Act, all of which acknowledge while the agency isn't working for Māori currently, it is a careful balance between protecting children and respecting culture.
In response to questions from the Herald none of them indicated they'd radically change the agency.
Labour said it would continue developing strategic partnerships with iwi and Māori organisations, and provide funding to iwi and Māori providers.
The Māori Party wants to take Māori children out of the care of Oranga Tamariki, and with it the proportionate share of its $1b funding ($600m) form a new independent entity as part of its Mokopuna Māori Policy.
The Green Party has said it would better resource and support kaupapa Māori organisations to care for children.
Te reo Māori
By a long stretch the Māori Party are the most bold on reviving the nation's indigenous language.
It vows to restore Aotearoa as the country's name by 2026 and replace all Pākehā place names with their original Māori versions.
It also wants te reo Māori taught as a core subject in schools up to year 10 – a policy shared by the Green Party.
Labour is less strong in its wording, wanting every child having te reo in their learning by 2025, and one million New Zealanders speaking te reo Māori by 2040 – part of Te Maihi Karauna, Māori language strategy.
Exactly how much the 1 million will be speaking though is unclear.
All policies will be dependent on boosting the ailing teaching stock.
The Government has pumped $12.2m into Te Ahu o te Reo Māori, an initiative to get teachers and support staff speaking the language in the classroom, along with a $230m investment in Kohanga Reo.
National is more broad in its language policy, wanting every child in years 1-8 learning a second language, while making te reo Māori a "national priority language".
NZ First as part of its general education policy supports scholarships for te reo teachers, and ensuring academic and professional value was assigned to any Te Kōhanga Reo qualification.
Act believes te reo Māori should be treated as any other school subject, and left to choice, the same approach it would take to mathematics.
Key party policies
Labour
• "Tikanga" approach to historical Treaty of Waitangi claims, more time on mandate concerns.
• One million New Zealanders speaking te reo Māori by 2040, and every child having te reo in their learning by 2025.
• Cutting the number of Māori in prison from 52 per cent down to 16, and by 10 per cent by 2024.
• Continue its approach seeking resolution with all parties at Ihumātao.
• On Oranga Tamariki continue developing strategic partnerships with iwi and Māori organisations, and provide funding to iwi and Māori providers.
National
• Settle all historical Treaty of Waitangi claims by 2029.
• Ensure every child years 1-8 learns a second language, and make te reo Māori a "national priority language.
• Require DHBs to report annually on a Māori health strategy.
• National would not get involved in the dispute at Ihumātao.
• No strong position on Oranga Tamariki.
The Green Party
• Review Treaty settlement process, recognise Te Tiriti as the legitimate version, replace the "full and final" model.
• Te reo Māori as core curriculum subject through to Year 10.
• Fund primary health through Māori organisations, overseen by a new Māori health agency.
• "Te Tiriti justice" at Ihumātao, with any resolution centring mana whenua.
• Resource and support kaupapa Māori organisations to care for children.
NZ First
• On the Treaty settlement process the party supports settling historical grievances, but looks forward to the "post-Treaty settlement period where Māori and all New Zealanders can move forward".
• On te reo Māori the party would provide better support for teachers including scholarships and ensuring academic and professional value was assigned to any Te Kōhanga Reo qualification.
• On health the party would see the Ministry of Health take over from DHBs, and a specific unit address Māori inequities established within it.
• On justice inequities, the party believes all Government departments should be required to publically report on how their actions are addressing the inequities for Māori.
• On Oranga Tamariki, supports solutions "by Māori, for Māori, with Māori", including devolving resourcing and responsibilities to iwi, Māori organisations, and NGOs.
Act
• Disagreed with the Government becoming involved with Ihumātao saying it should respect property rights, which it believes the Treaty settlement focus should be more focused on.
• On health inequity it would create a stand-alone mental health and addiction agency, allowing NGOs or community organisations to be able to set up services with a focus on Māori health.
• On te reo Māori, the party saw no differentiation between school subjects and learning te reo should be by choice.
• Abolish Māori seats.
• On Oranga Tamariki, said it was more important for children to be physically safe than culturally safe.
The Māori Party
• Return the "stolen" land at Ihumātao to mana whenua.
• Guarantee a quarter of Government funding over the next two years support Māori.
• Te reo as core subject to Year 10, restore all Māori place names, including Aotearoa.
• A range of constitutional changes in its Mana Motuhake policy including establishing Māori parliament and entrenching Māori seats.
• Ensure no Māori babies are taken into state care, diverting $600m from Oranga Tamariki to a Māori-led agency.
'We feel noticed'
"We feel noticed," says Porourangi Tawhiwhirangi, of Ngāti Porou.
He's speaking about the past three years, and the attention the region he lives in with his family, Tairāwhiti, has received.
He's speaking about the burgeoning cannabis industry, and the boon that beckons if the Cannabis Legalisation and Control Bill passes at referendum, allowing many of those who plied the illegal trade to put their skills to legitimate use.
He's speaking about the $34 million announced by Conservation Minister Eugenie Sage to support Raukūmara Pae Maunga Restoration Project in partnership with Te Whānau a Apanui and Ngāti Porou.
It aims to eradicate thousands of possums, rats, stoats, goats and deer which whānau say are destroying their sacred forest, and create dozens of jobs in doing so.
More recently, he's speaking about the Covid-19 recovery package that has provided work restoring native forest and eradicating pests, to many unemployed as forestry – the region's largest employer – took a dive.
In fact, politically, they've almost been getting too much attention, with a recent offer of $45m from Provincial Growth Minister Shane Jones to build a port out of Wharekahika given a resounding "kāo" by the community
Their main concerns were that it would only increase dependence on the forestry industry that has seen major environmental issues including slash and sediment covering beaches and shellfish beds.
Once a prosperous region fuelled by farming, urban drift and decades of neglect has seen unemployment and poverty rise in some of the more remote areas.
Forestry is the biggest employer here, but locals have been increasingly concerned about its environmental impacts and safety record.
The wider region is one of the few places that has been able to retain its strong Māori culture through colonisation, and indeed the population is about 90 per cent Māori.
It's one of the reasons why Tawhiwhirangi returned to the region to raise his family, having been born in Wellington.
His main concerns are around unemployment, lack of opportunities for youth, and drug addiction issues – methamphetamine, in particular.
But many, like him, are working to turn that around.
Tawhiwhirangi has started his own cannabis company with his wife and best friend, and they are focused on engaging with youth.
Tawhiwhirangi said the Government had done a lot over the past few years to support their aspirations.
Recently, amid job losses in the forestry industry, came funding to run environmental programmes, involving native and riparian planting.
"If it wasn't for that we'd be having some major issues."
The Raukumara restoration plan will also provide dozens of jobs, with longer-term tourism opportunities.
This only came about through iwi-led community consultations, and a receptive Conservation Minister in Sage, who visited the ravaged ngahere in person.
"People really noticed when National was in power – our people were suffering," Tawhiwhirangi said.
"I'm not pro any particular party, but it's been good seeing the changes recently for the little people, the ones who have been really struggling.
"We hope it is not just a phase, as people are feeling really empowered."
On top of it all Tawhiwhirangi said it was encouraging to see the nation opening up about the impacts of colonisation, with moves including teaching Aotearoa's history in schools, warts and all.
"That way when issues like Ihumātao come up it won't be a surprise."